Security Council Resolution 1737: Too Little, Too Late | INSS
go to header go to content go to footer go to search
INSS logo The Institute for National Security Studies, Strategic, Innovative, Policy-Oriented Research, go to the home page
INSS
Tel Aviv University logo - beyond an external website, opens on a new page
  • Campus
  • Contact
  • עברית
  • Support Us
  • Research
    • Topics
      • Israel and the Global Powers
        • Israel-United States Relations
        • Glazer Israel-China Policy Center
        • Russia
        • Europe
        • Antisemitism and Delegitimization
      • Iran and the Shi'ite Axis
        • The Campaign Against Iran and the Shiite Axis
        • Iran
        • Lebanon and Hezbollah
        • Syria
        • Yemen and the Houthi Movement
        • Iraq and the Iraqi Shiite Militias
      • Conflict to Agreements
        • Israeli-Palestinian Relations
        • Hamas and the Gaza Strip
        • Peace Agreements and Normalization in the Middle East
        • Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States
        • Turkey
        • Egypt
        • Jordan
      • Israel’s National Security Policy
        • Military and Strategic Affairs
        • Societal Resilience and the Israeli Society
        • Jewish-Arab Relations in Israel
        • Climate, Infrastructure and Energy
        • Terrorism and Low Intensity Conflict
      • Cross-Arena Research
        • Data Analytics Center
        • Law and National Security
        • Advanced Technologies and National Security
        • Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference
        • Economics and National Security
    • Projects
      • Preventing the Slide into a One-State Reality
      • India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC)
  • Publications
    • -
      • All Publications
      • INSS Insight
      • Policy Research and Papers
      • Special Publication
      • Strategic Assessment
      • Technology Platform
      • Memoranda
      • Posts
      • Books
      • Archive
  • Database
    • Surveys
    • Spotlight
    • Maps
    • Dashboards
  • Events
  • Team
  • About
    • Vision and Mission
    • History
    • Research Disciplines
    • Chairman of the Board
    • Board of Directors
    • Fellowship and Prizes
    • Annual Reports
    • Internships
  • Media
    • Communications
    • Video gallery
    • Press Releases
  • Podcast
  • Newsletter
  • Campus
Search in site
  • Research
    • Topics
    • Israel and the Global Powers
    • Israel-United States Relations
    • Glazer Israel-China Policy Center
    • Russia
    • Europe
    • Antisemitism and Delegitimization
    • Iran and the Shi'ite Axis
    • The Campaign Against Iran and the Shiite Axis
    • Iran
    • Lebanon and Hezbollah
    • Syria
    • Yemen and the Houthi Movement
    • Iraq and the Iraqi Shiite Militias
    • Conflict to Agreements
    • Israeli-Palestinian Relations
    • Hamas and the Gaza Strip
    • Peace Agreements and Normalization in the Middle East
    • Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States
    • Turkey
    • Egypt
    • Jordan
    • Israel’s National Security Policy
    • Military and Strategic Affairs
    • Societal Resilience and the Israeli Society
    • Jewish-Arab Relations in Israel
    • Climate, Infrastructure and Energy
    • Terrorism and Low Intensity Conflict
    • Cross-Arena Research
    • Data Analytics Center
    • Law and National Security
    • Advanced Technologies and National Security
    • Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference
    • Economics and National Security
    • Projects
    • Preventing the Slide into a One-State Reality
    • India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC)
  • Publications
    • All Publications
    • INSS Insight
    • Policy Research and Papers
    • Special Publication
    • Strategic Assessment
    • Technology Platform
    • Memoranda
    • Posts
    • Books
    • Archive
  • Database
    • Surveys
    • Spotlight
    • Maps
    • Dashboards
  • Events
  • Team
  • About
    • Vision and Mission
    • History
    • Research Disciplines
    • Chairman of the Board
    • Board of Directors
    • Fellowship and Prizes
    • Internships
    • Annual Reports
    • Privacy Policy and Terms of Use
  • Media
    • Communications
    • Video gallery
    • Press Releases
  • Podcast
  • Newsletter
  • Campus
  • Contact
  • עברית
  • Support Us
bool(false)

Publications

Home Publications INSS Insight Security Council Resolution 1737: Too Little, Too Late

Security Council Resolution 1737: Too Little, Too Late

INSS Insight No. 6, January 11, 2007

Follow us on Google
Ephraim Asculai

On December 23, 2006 the UN Security Council (SC) unanimously adopted Resolution 1737. The Resolution imposes sanctions on Iran for failing to comply with previous SC demands and again insists that Iran suspend proliferation-sensitive nuclear activities, including all enrichment-related and reprocessing activities, research and development, and work on all heavy-water related projects, including the construction of a research reactor moderated by heavy water. There is nothing new in these demands, which have been made time and again by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the SC. Moreover, the present resolution is almost four months overdue; the last deadline that Iran ignored was on August 31.


On December 23, 2006 the UN Security Council (SC) unanimously adopted Resolution 1737. The Resolution imposes sanctions on Iran for failing to comply with previous SC demands and again insists that Iran suspend proliferation-sensitive nuclear activities, including all enrichment-related and reprocessing activities, research and development, and work on all heavy-water related projects, including the construction of a research reactor moderated by heavy water. There is nothing new in these demands, which have been made time and again by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the SC.  Moreover, the present resolution is almost four months overdue; the last deadline that Iran ignored was on August 31.

Although Iran has briefly suspended uranium-enrichment-related activity twice in the past, it had been steadily progressing since it resumed work in mid-2005. Since then, it has constructed several enrichment "cascades" and has actually enriched (below the 5% level) very small amounts of uranium-235. This degree of enrichment is needed for power-reactor fuel but it is also the essential step en route to weapons-grade material (about 90%). In practical terms, this means that Iran has been unhindered in the pursuit of its nuclear ambitions. It means that international opinion, in the virtual absence of any real action, has had no effect on Iran's progress. It means that unless something drastic is done, Iran will achieve its aims in the foreseeable future. It is in this light that the present SC resolution should be examined.

The imposition of sanctions on a state is meant to achieve several purposes: to coerce it into taking action mandated by the imposer of sanctions; to prevent undesirable actions, and to punish. The first purpose is clearly defined in the Resolution, which states that the SC "shall suspend the implementation of measures if and for so long as Iran suspends all enrichment-related and reprocessing activities, including research and development, as verified by the IAEA, to allow for negotiations." Thus, the sanctions have to be severe enough to force Iran to take verifiable actions to stop its weapons-related activities.

The undesirable action to be prevented is continued progress in Iran’s nuclear programs. For this reason, the Resolution requires that "all states shall take the necessary measures to prevent the supply, sale or transfer directly or indirectly from their territories… to, or for the use in or benefit of, Iran, and whether or not originating in their territories, of… items, materials, equipment, goods and technolog[ies]…" These measures are further detailed in the text of the Resolution.

Punitive action is rarely taken for its own sake. In the case of Libya, for example, punitive sanctions were applied in order to end the regime’s support of terrorism and halt Libya’s nuclear program. These objectives were eventually achieved without a change of regime, and when they were achieved, the sanctions were rescinded.

Can Resolution 1737 achieve the aims of coercion and prevention? The prospects are virtually non-existent. In order to coerce Iran into suspending its nuclear activities, the penalties for failing to do so would have to be much harsher at this late stage of the game. But under Russian pressure, the sanctions originally proposed were gravely watered down to the point where they cannot possibly persuade Iran to suspend its activities. Technical sanctions, for example, cover only the provision of materials, equipment and know-how that are not related to the Russian and the Iranian power and research reactors at Bushehr, Teheran and Esfahan.  As a result, much material and equipment applicable to Iran's nuclear program can be imported under these exceptions; restrictions in the form of end-use declarations and some verification can be overcome. Moreover, plutonium (albeit not of very good quality) can be extracted (albeit not easily) from the nuclear fuel in the Bushehr power reactor, i.e., on Iranian soil.

In the economic realm, the Resolution states that "all States shall freeze the funds, other financial assets and economic resources which are on their territories at the date of adoption of this resolution or at any time thereafter, that are owned or controlled by the persons or entities designated in the Annex, as well as those of additional persons or entities designated by the Security Council…" What does the Annex detail? Because of the Russian pressure, the SC designates seven"entities" (companies/organizations) in the nuclear field, seven persons involved in the nuclear program, three entities and four persons in the ballistic missile area, and one person involved in both. These are ludicrous numbers; there are tens of organizations and hundreds, if not thousands, of people involved in both programs. Moreover, the designated people are not prohibited from travel if the purpose of the travel is related to the permitted activities. Otherwise, only proper "vigilance" should be exercised concerning their travel. It is difficult to imagine a greater display of fecklessness.

But for the pressure by Russia (with the support of China) a much stronger resolution would almost certainly have been adopted. Why did Russia act in this way?  There are probably several explanations: economic interests, preemption of Iranian assistance to Islamic dissidents (Chechnya comes to mind), a wish to snub the US, and a desire to maintain Iran as an ally. Underlying all of these is almost certainly the belief that a nuclear Iran does not pose a threat to Russia.  Otherwise, Russia would have acted differently.

With the exception of the Iranian representative, all speakers at the SC expressed their satisfaction with Resolution and all stressed that the door remained open to negotiations for a diplomatic solution. On that happy note, they retired for the Christmas holidays. However, the most probable future scenario leads to an entirely different outlook: Iran will not heed the call for suspension but will persist and eventually accomplish its military nuclear goals. The non-proliferation regime, the IAEA and the SC will prove to have been ineffective, and the world will find itself in a much more difficult and dangerous situation.  Because it does too little and comes too late, Resolution 1737 will not prevent this outcome.
The opinions expressed in INSS publications are the authors’ alone.
Publication Series INSS Insight
TopicsIran

Events

All events
Israel’s National Security Conference
27 July, 2026
10:00 - 14:00

Related Publications

All publications
From Nuclear Threshold to Nuclear Weapons? Reassessing Iran's Nuclear Doctrine
The debate within Iran’s leadership over the possibility of a nuclear breakout, and its implications for the Islamic Republic’s nuclear policy following two military campaigns
13/08/26
Reactions in Iran to the Mecca Agreement: Between the Erosion of the American Order and a New Regional Challenge
How does Tehran view the defense agreement signed between Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan?
10/08/26
Shutterstock
Action Through Inaction? The Chinese Strategy in the US-Iran War
How is Beijing handling the escalation in the Persian Gulf—and what are the implications of its actions?
02/08/26

Stay up to date

Registration was successful! Thanks.
  • Research

    • Topics
      • Israel and the Global Powers
      • Israel-United States Relations
      • Glazer Israel-China Policy Center
      • Russia
      • Europe
      • Antisemitism and Delegitimization
      • Iran and the Shi'ite Axis
      • The Campaign Against Iran and the Shiite Axis
      • Iran
      • Lebanon and Hezbollah
      • Syria
      • Yemen and the Houthi Movement
      • Iraq and the Iraqi Shiite Militias
      • Conflict to Agreements
      • Israeli-Palestinian Relations
      • Hamas and the Gaza Strip
      • Peace Agreements and Normalization in the Middle East
      • Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States
      • Turkey
      • Egypt
      • Jordan
      • Israel’s National Security Policy
      • Military and Strategic Affairs
      • Societal Resilience and the Israeli Society
      • Jewish-Arab Relations in Israel
      • Climate, Infrastructure and Energy
      • Terrorism and Low Intensity Conflict
      • Cross-Arena Research
      • Data Analytics Center
      • Law and National Security
      • Advanced Technologies and National Security
      • Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference
      • Economics and National Security
    • Projects
      • Preventing the Slide into a One-State Reality
      • India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC)
  • Publications

    • All Publications
    • INSS Insight
    • Policy Research and Papers
    • Special Publication
    • Strategic Assessment
    • Technology Platform
    • Memoranda
    • Database
    • Posts
    • Books
    • Archive
  • About

    • Vision and Mission
    • History
    • Research Disciplines
    • Chairman of the Board
    • Board of Directors
    • Fellowship and Prizes
    • Internships
    • Annual Reports
    • Support
    • Privacy Policy and Terms of Use
  • Media

    • Communications
    • Video Gallery
    • Press Release
    • Podcast
  • Home

  • Events

  • Database

  • Team

  • Contact

  • Newsletter

  • עברית

INSS logo The Institute for National Security Studies, Strategic, Innovative, Policy-Oriented Research, go to the home page
40 Haim Levanon St. Tel Aviv, 6997556 Israel | Tel 03-640-0400 | Fax 03-744-7590 |
Developed by Daat ,Yael Group.
Accessibility Statement
This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.