Publications
The Institute for National Security Studies, April 2019

The INSS 12th annual international conference addressed the web of challenges and opportunities Israel faces at the start of 2019. As in previous years, we chose strategic issues from the different spheres – domestic, regional, and international – that make up Israel’s strategic reality, and examine these individually and in context of one another. Continuing a trend from our previous conferences, we approached Israel’s national security priorities critically from a variety of perspectives.
On the domestic level, we looked at processes and developments linked closely to Israeli democracy – and possible challenges to that democracy – as a critical keystone in the vision and future of the State of Israel. We considered the link between internal cohesion in Israeli society vis-à-vis values and norms and Israel's resilience over time. The offshoots of these issues also considered, for example, relations with American Jewry, and technological aspects of Israeli economic robustness.
The Palestinian issue is a core issue with a perceptible effect on the State of Israel's identity and its international stature. Israel sees the Palestinian theater as secondary to the northern arena, and continues to pursue a policy of conflict management. Against this background, the events of the past year in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank invite a serious debate as to whether it is advisable to change the reality of the conflict and what alternatives are on the table. The strategic framework published by INSS in late 2018 served as a basis for discussion and be compared to other existing proposals, as considered in the context of the forthcoming plan by United States President Donald Trump. The regional dimension also received comprehensive attention.
The ongoing changes in the northern arena and the challenges to Israel posed by Iran's conduct in the region with its entrenchment in Syria and the returning spotlight on Lebanon invite in-depth discussion on two levels. The first is a sketch of the situation in Syria in light of Russian, American, and Turkish intervention, Iranian dominance, and regional interests. The second is Israeli policy vis-à-vis this reality, with an emphasis on operational doctrines for the campaign between wars and their degree of success over time and future relevance. Additional regional topics, such as the dramatic changes in the Gulf, possible shifts in the attitudes toward Israel and the implications of these shifts, and the current discourse in the Arab world completed this picture.
The broader framework encompassed the international dimension, specifically the processes in the global system in the era of President Trump and his changes to the rules of the game, among them international relations between the United States, Russia, and China. The American element figured in most discussions, being a central component of Israel's national security. Along with the US withdrawal from Syria and the forthcoming solution to the Israeli-Palestinian issue, the nuclear deal with Iran was of major focus, as well as Washington's policies towards the Middle East in general. In the background of these issues is the phenomenon that President Trump heralds and embodies: the perceptible gap between image and reality. Terms such as "fake news" and "post truth" examined in an attempt to understand what underlies those phrases, and their implications for policy management and the response to national security challenges.
Greetings from the Chairman of the INSS Board of Directors, Sir Frank Lowy
Dear Friends,
Today I stand here as an Israeli: seventy-two years after a rickety sailing ship by the name of Yagur brought me to the port of Haifa from the ruin of Europe-after-the-Holocaust, I have once again made aliyah. This time I was not taken via Cyprus, by the courtesy of the British Navy. When I reflect on the differences between the Land of Israel in 1946 and the State of Israel of 2019, I am moved to my very core. My family was broken up in the Holocaust, and the remnants, including my mother, immigrated to Australia and I joined them there in 1952. During the many years I spent in Australia, you built a country that has become an economic, technological, and regional powerhouse. You fulfilled Herzl’s dream and Ben Gurion’s vision and turned Israel into a strong, thriving, and vibrant nation. But this wonderful nation still faces immense challenges. As we all know, Iran poses a constant threat. And as we hear on the news almost daily, the developments at the Syrian and Lebanese borders are worrisome. And as we saw over the last few months, Hamas and Gaza are problems that we have not yet solved. But worse still is the Palestinian challenge. As the great Israeli novelist Amos Oz said before his death, there is a real danger that the Jewish state will become a bi-national state and may, in turn, become an Arab state.
This is why I am proud to be the Chairman of INSS. It is the reason we have all gathered here tonight, and why we recognize and value the important work of INSS, which is so expertly led by Amos Yadlin, together with Udi Dekel, Orly Hayardeny, and more recently, Itai Brun, and their colleagues.
More so than other nations, a nation under threat, like Israel, needs an independent and distinguished research institute to soberly examine the reality with which it must contend. A wonderful but tempestuous nation like Israel needs a rational, apolitical body, with unwavering integrity, to analyze its situation and offer ways to deal with the threats it faces.
The Institute for National Security Studies, or INSS, as it has become known, launches and engages in innovative, relevant, high-quality research that shapes the public discourse of issues on Israel’s national security agenda, and provides policy analysis and recommendations to decision makers, public leaders, and the strategic community, both in Israel and abroad.
As part of its mission, it is committed to encourage new ways of thinking and expand the traditional contours of the establishment analysis. In order to safeguard the intellectual freedom of the staff, INSS maintains a strict position of non-partisanship on issues of public policy. The opinions expressed in all of the INSS publications are those of the authors: they do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute, its trustees, officers, other staff members, or the organizations and individuals that support its research. Thus, the publication of a work by INSS signifies that it is deemed worthy of public consideration, but does not imply endorsement of conclusions or recommendations.
INSS researchers are guided by the four core values of professionalism, relevance, intellectual independence, and teamwork. Adhering to the highest standards of research and analysis, they are engaged in exploring the most pressing issues of Israel's national security, and contribute through creative and innovative thinking to national security policymaking.
Over the last year, INSS has focused on the threats I enumerated: Iran, Syria, Hezbollah, and Hamas. It also delved into the fight against the BDS movement and relations with the Jews of the Diaspora. But its flagship project was a comprehensive plan that offers a strategic blueprint for the Israeli-Palestinian area. While the government continues to carry out a policy of managing the conflict, under the mistaken assumption that time is on its side, INSS has placed a realistic plan on the table, neither right nor left leaning that does not gloss over the many problems we face, nor peddle fantasy. The goal is not immediate peace, but a way to fortify the State of Israel, protecting its vital interests while maintaining a viable option of a future separation. Not a solution, but a formulation of a better future. At its heart is the understanding that we must share the stretch of land between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River with the Palestinians. We must advance toward the separation of these two peoples without forgoing fundamental security principles, or Israel’s character as a Jewish democratic state. This is our moral and Zionist duty.
Dear friends, the INSS plan was presented to the Israeli public, its leadership, and governments in Europe, members of the US Senate, Congress, and State Department, and prominent, influential figures in the Arab world. I encourage you all to study and discuss it. I believe that it offers a creative new way to grapple with the significant strategic threats facing the State of Israel. I want to thank all those who worked on it, and all of the Institute’s team, who do such fine work throughout the year. I would also like to thank Tel Aviv University and its president, Professor Klafter, for a long and fruitful partnership. And I want to thank the members of the Institute’s Board of Trustees, whose support allows INSS to continue to attain these remarkable achievements.