The results of the Democratic Party primaries across a range of races in the United States in recent days — particularly in New York City — reflect the growing strength of the party’s left wing. Among the defining positions of this camp and its candidates is sharp criticism of Israel, alongside the use of Israel’s influence on American politics as a tool for fearmongering and voter mobilization.
In several races held yesterday, candidates backed by the Democratic establishment and by the pro-Israel lobby AIPAC emerged victorious, with such support in some cases becoming a central campaign issue. For example, in Maryland, Adrian Boafo won the primary to replace veteran Congressman Steny Hoyer, with backing from the pro-Israel lobby and the crypto industry. In New York’s 15th district, Congressman Ritchie Torres, known for his support for Israel, defended his seat against a challenger who sought to turn Torres’s support for Israel into a central line of attack.
At the same time, the number of Democratic members of Congress holding critical positions toward Israel is expected to grow. This follows the victories of candidates from the party’s left wing in Democratic primaries in “blue” districts — where the Democratic Party is highly likely to win in the general election. Among them are three candidates in New York City who were endorsed by the popular mayor and outspoken critic of Israel, Zohran Mamdani.
The three are: Brad Lander, Mamdani’s Jewish ally, who identifies as a liberal Zionist but has criticized what he describes as “genocide” committed by Israel in Gaza and attacked his opponent for receiving funding from AIPAC; Darializa Avila Chevalier, who was among the organizers of anti-Israel protests at Columbia University after October 7, 2023; and Claire Valdez, who served as a legislator in New York State. All three defeated candidates favored by the Democratic Party establishment, in areas where Mamdani himself won a majority of the vote in last year’s mayoral election.
In addition, Janeese Lewis George — who also belongs to the DSA, the socialist left wing of the party — won the Democratic primary for mayor of Washington, D.C. a week ago. George’s victory came against the backdrop of tensions between the Democratic-led city and the Trump administration in the White House, which sits at its center and has the power to shape many aspects of life there. George, like the other candidates mentioned above, described Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide and criticized U.S. support for Israel.
The election results reflect several trends that should concern Israel:
1. In some races, Israel was a central issue, while in others it remained relatively marginal. In either case, because these are safe Democratic districts, the results are likely to significantly increase the number of Israel critics in elected office — and accordingly, the pressure to reduce and condition U.S. support for Israel.
2. If during Mamdani’s campaign for mayor of New York the question was whether he was elected despite or because of his positions on Israel, it is now clear that for part of the Democratic base, harsh criticism of Israel — even to the point of repudiation — constitutes a basic condition for supporting a candidate.
3. This phenomenon reflects Israel’s transformation into a moral litmus test for part of the party’s electorate. In the eyes of these voters, those who do not view Israel’s actions in the war as genocide, and those willing to accept funding from AIPAC, are considered beyond the bounds of political and moral legitimacy.
4. Part of the growing strength of the party’s anti-Israel faction is linked to anger at the party establishment and what some voters perceive as its weakness in confronting the Trump administration and its domestic and international policy agenda. In this sense, Israel has become collateral damage to intensifying anti-establishment sentiment.
5. At least for now, however, despite the growing power of anti-Israel voices within the Democratic Party, as also reflected in public opinion polls, their influence is still felt primarily in the party’s safe districts. In more competitive districts, or in those where incumbent candidates — even if they are pro-Israel — enjoy strong popularity, Israel-related attacks alone are insufficient to unseat them.
The results of the Democratic Party primaries across a range of races in the United States in recent days — particularly in New York City — reflect the growing strength of the party’s left wing. Among the defining positions of this camp and its candidates is sharp criticism of Israel, alongside the use of Israel’s influence on American politics as a tool for fearmongering and voter mobilization.
In several races held yesterday, candidates backed by the Democratic establishment and by the pro-Israel lobby AIPAC emerged victorious, with such support in some cases becoming a central campaign issue. For example, in Maryland, Adrian Boafo won the primary to replace veteran Congressman Steny Hoyer, with backing from the pro-Israel lobby and the crypto industry. In New York’s 15th district, Congressman Ritchie Torres, known for his support for Israel, defended his seat against a challenger who sought to turn Torres’s support for Israel into a central line of attack.
At the same time, the number of Democratic members of Congress holding critical positions toward Israel is expected to grow. This follows the victories of candidates from the party’s left wing in Democratic primaries in “blue” districts — where the Democratic Party is highly likely to win in the general election. Among them are three candidates in New York City who were endorsed by the popular mayor and outspoken critic of Israel, Zohran Mamdani.
The three are: Brad Lander, Mamdani’s Jewish ally, who identifies as a liberal Zionist but has criticized what he describes as “genocide” committed by Israel in Gaza and attacked his opponent for receiving funding from AIPAC; Darializa Avila Chevalier, who was among the organizers of anti-Israel protests at Columbia University after October 7, 2023; and Claire Valdez, who served as a legislator in New York State. All three defeated candidates favored by the Democratic Party establishment, in areas where Mamdani himself won a majority of the vote in last year’s mayoral election.
In addition, Janeese Lewis George — who also belongs to the DSA, the socialist left wing of the party — won the Democratic primary for mayor of Washington, D.C. a week ago. George’s victory came against the backdrop of tensions between the Democratic-led city and the Trump administration in the White House, which sits at its center and has the power to shape many aspects of life there. George, like the other candidates mentioned above, described Israel’s actions in Gaza as genocide and criticized U.S. support for Israel.
The election results reflect several trends that should concern Israel:
1. In some races, Israel was a central issue, while in others it remained relatively marginal. In either case, because these are safe Democratic districts, the results are likely to significantly increase the number of Israel critics in elected office — and accordingly, the pressure to reduce and condition U.S. support for Israel.
2. If during Mamdani’s campaign for mayor of New York the question was whether he was elected despite or because of his positions on Israel, it is now clear that for part of the Democratic base, harsh criticism of Israel — even to the point of repudiation — constitutes a basic condition for supporting a candidate.
3. This phenomenon reflects Israel’s transformation into a moral litmus test for part of the party’s electorate. In the eyes of these voters, those who do not view Israel’s actions in the war as genocide, and those willing to accept funding from AIPAC, are considered beyond the bounds of political and moral legitimacy.
4. Part of the growing strength of the party’s anti-Israel faction is linked to anger at the party establishment and what some voters perceive as its weakness in confronting the Trump administration and its domestic and international policy agenda. In this sense, Israel has become collateral damage to intensifying anti-establishment sentiment.
5. At least for now, however, despite the growing power of anti-Israel voices within the Democratic Party, as also reflected in public opinion polls, their influence is still felt primarily in the party’s safe districts. In more competitive districts, or in those where incumbent candidates — even if they are pro-Israel — enjoy strong popularity, Israel-related attacks alone are insufficient to unseat them.