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Home Publications INSS Insight It Is Possible to Defeat Hamas

It Is Possible to Defeat Hamas

Six efforts are needed to drastically weaken the terror organization

INSS Insight No. 1860, June 3, 2024

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Udi Dekel

Israel is capable of subduing Hamas by drastically reducing its influence among the public it purports to represent and lead, by denying the “damage power” and veto power it holds. This requires the implementation of six efforts—military, civilian, political, humanitarian, regional cooperation and cognitive—in a cohesive and synchronized manner.


There are those who argue, even firmly, that Hamas cannot be defeated. Indeed, it is difficult to annihilate an organization like Hamas, which relies on its foundation of being a social movement and espouses a rigid, extreme religious-nationalist ideology, in addition to having an armed military wing. But it is possible to greatly reduce Hamas’s influence among the public that it purportedly represents and leads, by denying its power to inflict damage and the veto power that it held and still holds.

This requires six combined efforts:

  1. Military effort: The operative dismantling of Hamas’s military wing should continue for a while, even after the war officially ends, to ensure that the organization cannot reestablish itself and restore its military power. The purpose of the ongoing military campaign is to prevent Hamas from being able to torpedo the political and civilian measures aimed at stabilizing the Gaza Strip and the Palestinian arena in general after the war.
  2. Civilian effort: Wherever it is possible to begin stabilizing and reconstructing the Gaza Strip, an official responsible for civilian control and public order should be appointed, and this measure should be implemented while preventing Hamas’s intervention and involvement. For example, Israel can still stabilize the northern part of the Gaza Strip, allow local authorities to operate, while removing Hamas-affiliated officials, and signal to the residents of the area that they can return and rehabilitate without fear from the organization.
  3. Political effort: Together with the United States and the pragmatic Arab states, a task force should be built to revive and reform the Palestinian Authority and help it establish civilian control in the Gaza Strip. To gain the support of the residents of Gaza, the PA should return to the Strip accompanied and supported by the Arab states and the international community that will be expressed in part by reconstruction packages for the residents. However, it is essential to avoid promoting too soon far-reaching initiatives such as the establishment of a Palestinian state. These kinds of initiatives will become feasible only after the connection between October 7 and the establishment of a Palestinian state is severed, and after the reformed PA proves that it can indeed run a state.
  4. Integration and cooperation with the moderate Arab states: Normalization between Saudi Arabia and Israel is the driving force leading the way, with active American involvement. The regional balance of power has not been reversed yet, as all the countries that have signed peace or normalization accords with Israel are maintaining their ties, despite Israel’s declining assets. However, for Israel to mobilize support and involvement in establishing a reformed and moderate Palestinian regime and in reconstructing the ruins of Gaza, it is necessary to support President Joe Biden’s initiative to change the regional architecture. This initiative includes four paths: (1) Establishing an expanded security alliance with Saudi Arabia, which will also involve normalization with Israel; (2) A US-led initiative to launch a political process aimed at establishing a demilitarized Palestinian state in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip that does not pose a security threat to Israel, provided that its control and security structures are thoroughly established; (3) Formulating a regional alignment led by the United States to counter Iran’s negative influence throughout the Middle East; and (4) Creating an economic corridor from India to the Arabian Gulf and from there to the Mediterranean, that will promote economic growth and prosperity for all the pragmatic states in the region.
  5. Humanitarian effort: Aid to the population of the Gaza Strip should be expanded while preventing Hamas from taking control of the aid and distributing it according to its own interests. In order to regain international legitimacy, Israel must demonstrate that it is not punishing the residents of the Strip but is focused on dismantling Hamas.
  6. Cognitive effort: In order to neutralize Hamas’s influence on the residents of the Gaza Strip—with neither fear nor hope—it is crucial to prevent any notion of integrating Hamas into the Palestinian system of governance and to prevent it from following the model of Hezbollah—of gaining political influence based on an independent military, which would undermine the ability of the PA to maintain a monopoly on weapons and realize President Mahmoud Abbas’s vision of “one authority, one law, one gun.”

Although there may still be occasional activity of Hamas terrorist cells, it is possible to render them insignificant in the Palestinian arena if Israel can implement the above efforts as a cohesive and synchronized system.

The opinions expressed in INSS publications are the authors’ alone.
Publication Series INSS Insight
TopicsHamas and the Gaza StripIsraeli-Palestinian RelationsSwords of Iron War
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Alternatives for the Gaza Strip Following the Campaign Against Iran
As the campaign against Iran winds down, attention is expected to return to the Gaza Strip. In the meantime, Hamas is exploiting the strategic vacuum to rehabilitate its governance and military capabilities. Simultaneously, the Trump framework remains stalled, and the “Board of Peace” faces professional, operational, and budgetary difficulties in advancing its declared objectives. The issue of demilitarization remains trapped between Israel’s demand for the complete and immediate disarmament of Hamas and the organization’s stalling tactics. Israel faces three main alternatives: (1) Renewal of efforts to fully implement the Trump framework across the Strip, a course that carries the risk of “mock demilitarization” and depends on Hamas’s consent; (2) Gradual stabilization and reconstruction of areas cleared of Hamas while continuing to erode its control in areas still under its rule. This option is vulnerable to violent disruption and could entrench the Strip’s division; (3) A return to war and the reoccupation of the Gaza Strip, which would entail extremely heavy military, economic, and diplomatic costs for Israel. The key recommendation is to avoid perpetuating the status quo, which establishes Hamas’s rule, and instead adopt a proactive approach. Israel should allow the implementation of the Mladenov framework for gradual demilitarization, beginning with heavy weapons, while coordinating with the Trump administration regarding scenarios that would justify use of force. If Hamas obstructs the process, Israel should implement a differential alternative: the entry of a civilian committee and Palestinian police into “green zones” cleared of Hamas (alongside increasing Israeli security responsibility modeled on Judea and Samaria). Simultaneously, Hamas’s capabilities and governance in the “red zone” should be systematically degraded, including the gradual erosion of its territorial control. The alternative of returning to war and military occupation should remain a last-resort alternative, contingent on the formulation of an exit strategy and a designated body to assume civilian responsibility.
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The radicalization of Palestinian society in the Gaza Strip is not a new phenomenon, but the process has accelerated and deepened dramatically since Hamas’ takeover of the territory in 2007. Under its rule, an extremist religious-nationalist ideology has been systematically embedded across all spheres of Gaza life—from education and religious institutions to welfare and the media—producing a profound “Hamasification” of public consciousness. The war that erupted on October 7 brought unprecedented ruin to the Gaza Strip, both physically and institutionally, posing a monumental reconstruction challenge, but also a rare historic opportunity. This memorandum argues that military disarmament and physical rehabilitation alone will not ensure long-term security and stability, and that a far deeper process of “de-Hamasifcation” is required: dismantling Hamas’ ideological and institutional hegemony and replacing it with a more moderate civic and normative infrastructure. The study presents a comparative analysis of Western and Arab deradicalization models and finds that Western approaches—such as those implemented in Germany and Japan—struggle to provide an adequate response to Gaza’s cultural and political context. Instead, we propose adopting operational principles drawn from contemporary Arab models, particularly the “civic-transformative” model applied in the Gulf states, which combines a firm crackdown on extremist actors with re-education toward religious tolerance and broad-based economic rehabilitation. The paper outlines an integrative strategy encompassing sustained security demilitarization, the mobilization of an Arab coalition to provide religious and political legitimacy, and the establishment of a credible political horizon as a counterweight to the ethos of “resistance.” Only the combination of these elements can generate a viable governing and ideological alternative to Hamas and lead to a more stable long-term security environment for the State of Israel.
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