Over the past week, several seemingly unrelated events took place in Syria: the agreement to regulate the Russian presence in the country, progress with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) regarding the remnants of the Assad regime's nuclear program, the death sentence handed down to Bashar al-Assad and his associates, and the reshuffling of positions within the military ranks. However, all of these events reflect a clear strategy by the regime, which seeks to rebuild Syria's capabilities, establish its sovereignty, and shape the rules of the game relatively independently.
After a decade of Russian dominance in the country, Damascus is redefining the boundaries of Moscow's military presence and the entire relationship—this time from a Syrian position of power. Civilian facilities, such as the airport in Khmeimim, are returning to Syrian management, and the military presence is expected to transition into a more limited and regulated framework which will serve the needs of the Syrian army. Moscow, for its part, is relinquishing a significant portion of control in order to avoid losing a strategic foothold in the Middle East and the Mediterranean Basin.
This logic is also reflected in the round of military appointments. The changes made this week, including the transfer of commanders affiliated with the pro-Turkish SNA organization to positions within a broader chain of command, reflect an attempt to shift the center of gravity away from previous personal and external loyalties toward state institutions. If, in the first phase, the goal was to integrate factions and militias into the Ministry of Defense, the objective now is to coalesce them into a unified army, subject to a central and official command.
Additionally, it was reported this week that the United States reached a secret agreement with Syria and Israel aimed at removing remnants of nuclear material from its territory, originating from the reactor developed during the era of Hafez al-Assad (the father), and destroyed in an Israeli strike in 2007. "New Syria" has a distinct interest in reintegrating into the international community, and to do so, it must prove that it is handling the dangerous legacy left by the ousted regime with transparency and in cooperation with the IAEA and similar bodies.
Finally, the death sentence imposed on Bashar al-Assad and other senior officials adds a legal and symbolic dimension: exacting justice from those who led Syria with cruelty and brutality. Since the fall of the regime, the system of oppression has been exposed in full force—the prisons, torture, forced disappearances, and executions that characterized the old rule.
These internal moves connect directly to the Syrian effort to reintegrate into the international system. President al-Sharaa's upcoming speech at the UN General Assembly in September, along with his anticipated meetings in Washington, presents Damascus with an opportunity to translate this diplomatic openness into Syria's final removal from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. It also provides an opportunity to leverage the international stage to raise sovereignty-related issues vis-à-vis Israel, with an emphasis on reviving and enforcing the 1974 Separation of Forces Agreement in southern Syria.
Over the past week, several seemingly unrelated events took place in Syria: the agreement to regulate the Russian presence in the country, progress with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) regarding the remnants of the Assad regime's nuclear program, the death sentence handed down to Bashar al-Assad and his associates, and the reshuffling of positions within the military ranks. However, all of these events reflect a clear strategy by the regime, which seeks to rebuild Syria's capabilities, establish its sovereignty, and shape the rules of the game relatively independently.
After a decade of Russian dominance in the country, Damascus is redefining the boundaries of Moscow's military presence and the entire relationship—this time from a Syrian position of power. Civilian facilities, such as the airport in Khmeimim, are returning to Syrian management, and the military presence is expected to transition into a more limited and regulated framework which will serve the needs of the Syrian army. Moscow, for its part, is relinquishing a significant portion of control in order to avoid losing a strategic foothold in the Middle East and the Mediterranean Basin.
This logic is also reflected in the round of military appointments. The changes made this week, including the transfer of commanders affiliated with the pro-Turkish SNA organization to positions within a broader chain of command, reflect an attempt to shift the center of gravity away from previous personal and external loyalties toward state institutions. If, in the first phase, the goal was to integrate factions and militias into the Ministry of Defense, the objective now is to coalesce them into a unified army, subject to a central and official command.
Additionally, it was reported this week that the United States reached a secret agreement with Syria and Israel aimed at removing remnants of nuclear material from its territory, originating from the reactor developed during the era of Hafez al-Assad (the father), and destroyed in an Israeli strike in 2007. "New Syria" has a distinct interest in reintegrating into the international community, and to do so, it must prove that it is handling the dangerous legacy left by the ousted regime with transparency and in cooperation with the IAEA and similar bodies.
Finally, the death sentence imposed on Bashar al-Assad and other senior officials adds a legal and symbolic dimension: exacting justice from those who led Syria with cruelty and brutality. Since the fall of the regime, the system of oppression has been exposed in full force—the prisons, torture, forced disappearances, and executions that characterized the old rule.
These internal moves connect directly to the Syrian effort to reintegrate into the international system. President al-Sharaa's upcoming speech at the UN General Assembly in September, along with his anticipated meetings in Washington, presents Damascus with an opportunity to translate this diplomatic openness into Syria's final removal from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. It also provides an opportunity to leverage the international stage to raise sovereignty-related issues vis-à-vis Israel, with an emphasis on reviving and enforcing the 1974 Separation of Forces Agreement in southern Syria.