Since Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi came to power in Egypt, demonstrations have rarely been allowed in the country, as part of an official policy aimed at ending the upheavals of the Arab Spring and restoring stability and order.
That changed last weekend, when thousands of Egyptians took to the streets to show solidarity with Gaza. Most of the demonstrations, even if they reflected authentic public attitudes, were not popular or spontaneous, but received encouragement and direction from above.
In a speech on Wednesday, October 18, el-Sisi warned that he would call on his people to demonstrate en masse against Israel's attempts to allegedly encourage the residents of Gaza to move to Sinai. He expressed strong opposition to what he described as an Israeli desire to “eliminate” the Palestinian problem by expelling the Palestinians from their homeland, and pointed out the dangerous consequences of the move for Egypt's security interests and its sovereignty.
That same day, relatively limited student demonstrations broke out on campuses throughout Egypt and rallies were held on behalf of professional unions. Two days later, wider demonstrations were held in all 27 provinces of Egypt, where slogans such as "Israel will fall, Sinai is not an alternative [to Gaza]” and “In spirit and blood we will redeem Palestine” were heard.
The Egyptian fear of an Israeli “plot” to establish an “alternative homeland” for the Palestinians in Sinai is far from new, but it has intensified recently due to statements on the subject detached from reality by official and unofficial Israeli sources, which were not denied by the Prime Minister. The rare approval given to the demonstrations testifies to the magnitude of the fear by regime leaders in Cairo, which in their eyes justified a deviation from the traditional policy and a certain loosening of the reins.
The demonstrations also had internal political goals: strengthening the image of President el-Sisi, who is preparing for elections this December, as someone who defends Egypt's borders and the Palestinian cause; diverting the Egyptian’s public attention from the deep economic distress plaguing the country toward foreign problems; and providing a legitimate outlet for letting off steam among Islamist opposition circles that identify with Hamas. The demonstrations did not spiral out of control, but expressions of protest such as tearing up pictures of the President and chanting revolutionary slogans were recorded on their sidelines, and several dozen demonstrators were arrested.
Through the demonstrations, Egypt sought to make it clear to Israel, which is currently preparing for a ground incursion into the Gaza Strip, that pushing the Gazans to the Rafah crossing on the Sinai border could endanger – no less – the peaceful relations between the countries. Sending messages of reassurance between Jerusalem and Cairo is essential now, both to mitigate the current tensions between the parties and to improve coordination between them for the next stages of the campaign and its aftermath.
Since Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi came to power in Egypt, demonstrations have rarely been allowed in the country, as part of an official policy aimed at ending the upheavals of the Arab Spring and restoring stability and order.
That changed last weekend, when thousands of Egyptians took to the streets to show solidarity with Gaza. Most of the demonstrations, even if they reflected authentic public attitudes, were not popular or spontaneous, but received encouragement and direction from above.
In a speech on Wednesday, October 18, el-Sisi warned that he would call on his people to demonstrate en masse against Israel's attempts to allegedly encourage the residents of Gaza to move to Sinai. He expressed strong opposition to what he described as an Israeli desire to “eliminate” the Palestinian problem by expelling the Palestinians from their homeland, and pointed out the dangerous consequences of the move for Egypt's security interests and its sovereignty.
That same day, relatively limited student demonstrations broke out on campuses throughout Egypt and rallies were held on behalf of professional unions. Two days later, wider demonstrations were held in all 27 provinces of Egypt, where slogans such as "Israel will fall, Sinai is not an alternative [to Gaza]” and “In spirit and blood we will redeem Palestine” were heard.
The Egyptian fear of an Israeli “plot” to establish an “alternative homeland” for the Palestinians in Sinai is far from new, but it has intensified recently due to statements on the subject detached from reality by official and unofficial Israeli sources, which were not denied by the Prime Minister. The rare approval given to the demonstrations testifies to the magnitude of the fear by regime leaders in Cairo, which in their eyes justified a deviation from the traditional policy and a certain loosening of the reins.
The demonstrations also had internal political goals: strengthening the image of President el-Sisi, who is preparing for elections this December, as someone who defends Egypt's borders and the Palestinian cause; diverting the Egyptian’s public attention from the deep economic distress plaguing the country toward foreign problems; and providing a legitimate outlet for letting off steam among Islamist opposition circles that identify with Hamas. The demonstrations did not spiral out of control, but expressions of protest such as tearing up pictures of the President and chanting revolutionary slogans were recorded on their sidelines, and several dozen demonstrators were arrested.
Through the demonstrations, Egypt sought to make it clear to Israel, which is currently preparing for a ground incursion into the Gaza Strip, that pushing the Gazans to the Rafah crossing on the Sinai border could endanger – no less – the peaceful relations between the countries. Sending messages of reassurance between Jerusalem and Cairo is essential now, both to mitigate the current tensions between the parties and to improve coordination between them for the next stages of the campaign and its aftermath.