Israel’s Recognition of Somaliland—An Opening for Upgrading Defensive and Offensive Capabilities | INSS
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Home Posts Israel’s Recognition of Somaliland—An Opening for Upgrading Defensive and Offensive Capabilities

Israel’s Recognition of Somaliland—An Opening for Upgrading Defensive and Offensive Capabilities
Iky Hazan, Yehoshua Kalisky 5 January, 2026

Israel’s recognition of Somaliland and the mutual development of diplomatic relations could enable Israel to significantly upgrade its offensive and defensive capabilities. A report published last year by the website Middle East Monitor stated that Somaliland, with the mediation of the United Arab Emirates, expressed a willingness to allow Israel to establish a military base on its territory in exchange for Israel’s recognition of its sovereignty, the establishment of diplomatic relations, and economic investments. It’s possible that within the framework of the current recognition, Somaliland may also discreetly allow Israel to establish a military presence on its territory. This issue also corresponds with a statement by Somaliland’s former head of intelligence regarding the Somaliland government’s commitment “to defend the interests of the West, and particularly the interests of Israel.”

The advantage of establishing a military base in Somaliland is clear. First, the deployment of radar systems and sensors in Somaliland would strengthen detection and early-warning capabilities against launches. A foothold in Somaliland would grant Israel strategic depth, with enhanced defensive and offensive capabilities against Houthi targets from a much shorter range—at most several hundred kilometers, compared to an estimated distance of 2,000 kilometers or more from Israel—while reducing the costs and logistical complexity of long-range strikes and enabling rapid, real-time operational responses. From a defensive perspective, this would provide capabilities for intercepting ballistic missiles in close geographic proximity to the launch point, particularly during the boost phase, when the missile’s speed is still relatively low, its maneuverability is limited, and its casing is vulnerable to external damage. Intercepting missiles far from Israeli territory has the advantage that debris from interceptors, engine parts, fragments of the missile or rocket body, and the warhead’s explosive payload fall within enemy territory—thereby preventing direct and collateral damage to Israel’s population. In addition, this provides Israel with operational flexibility and a time buffer in the event of an interception failure. Another advantage of early interception in enemy territory is the avoidance of the need to send large civilian populations to protected areas, a measure that entails significant economic and psychological costs.

At present, the implementation of missile interception during the boost phase is limited due to geopolitical, economic, and technological reasons. However, in the near future, intercepting missiles at early stages of launch—possibly even during the boost phase—may become feasible due to technological and operational developments such as more advanced and faster interceptors and sensors, as well as the use of advanced versions of the Iron Beam laser weapon, particularly versions based on high-power airborne laser systems. The combination of geopolitical developments and innovative technologies may enable Israel in the coming years to upgrade its defensive and offensive capabilities against enemies and ballistic threats in the outer circle.

Topics: Advanced Technologies and National Security, Yemen and the Houthi Movement
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  • Research

    • Topics
      • Israel and the Global Powers
      • Israel-United States Relations
      • Glazer Israel-China Policy Center
      • Russia
      • Europe
      • Iran and the Shi'ite Axis
      • Iran
      • The Israel–Iran War
      • Lebanon and Hezbollah
      • Syria
      • Yemen and the Houthi Movement
      • Iraq and the Iraqi Shiite Militias
      • Conflict to Agreements
      • Israeli-Palestinian Relations
      • Hamas and the Gaza Strip
      • Peace Agreements and Normalization in the Middle East
      • Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States
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