Hezbollah’s decision to open fire on Israel and drag Lebanon once again into the cycle of fighting has created a rift between it and its longtime partner, Amal. Despite the resounding public silence of Amal chairman Nabih Berri, his associates conveyed that he is furious over Hezbollah’s decision, having previously been assured that Hezbollah would exercise restraint. Nabih Berri feels that Hezbollah’s secretary-general deceived him. The central indicator of the strained relations between the two movements was the participation of Amal’s ministers in the historic decision of the Lebanese government, which determined that Hezbollah’s military and security activity is illegal. Nabih Berri didn’t instruct Amal’s ministers to leave the hall during the vote and thwart this dramatic move against Hezbollah.
The gaps between the two Shiite movements, considered “sister” organizations that have operated in close cooperation for years, aren’t new. Although Amal is more moderate, it has been drawn by its more radical sister into extreme steps in the past. However, for Nabih Berri, the opening of war under the current circumstances appears to have been excessive, given its destructive implications for Lebanon.
Criticism of Hezbollah’s actions within the Shiite community isn’t confined to leadership circles but is also filtering down to its broader components, including former Hezbollah supporters. On social media, critical messages have been shared by Shiite displaced persons who were forced to leave their villages in southern Lebanon for the second time in two years, without yet having received compensation for the first displacement during Operation “Northern Arrows.” Particularly notable is a statement recently published by the Union of Tribes and Families in the Baalbek-Hermel region, an organization representing Shiites closely associated with Hezbollah, praising the government’s decision that Hezbollah’s security activity is illegal.
It’s still too early to assess the extent of the rift between the two Shiite movements and the implications of the criticism of Hezbollah from within the Shiite population. However, it’s conceivable that the erosion of Hezbollah’s standing could be reflected in the results of the parliamentary elections, which are scheduled to take place this year despite repeated attempts to postpone them. This rift could be expressed in the cessation of parliamentary cooperation, a shift of votes from Hezbollah to the Amal movement, or perhaps even the rise of new forces challenging the two traditional Shiite movements.
Hezbollah’s decision to open fire on Israel and drag Lebanon once again into the cycle of fighting has created a rift between it and its longtime partner, Amal. Despite the resounding public silence of Amal chairman Nabih Berri, his associates conveyed that he is furious over Hezbollah’s decision, having previously been assured that Hezbollah would exercise restraint. Nabih Berri feels that Hezbollah’s secretary-general deceived him. The central indicator of the strained relations between the two movements was the participation of Amal’s ministers in the historic decision of the Lebanese government, which determined that Hezbollah’s military and security activity is illegal. Nabih Berri didn’t instruct Amal’s ministers to leave the hall during the vote and thwart this dramatic move against Hezbollah.
The gaps between the two Shiite movements, considered “sister” organizations that have operated in close cooperation for years, aren’t new. Although Amal is more moderate, it has been drawn by its more radical sister into extreme steps in the past. However, for Nabih Berri, the opening of war under the current circumstances appears to have been excessive, given its destructive implications for Lebanon.
Criticism of Hezbollah’s actions within the Shiite community isn’t confined to leadership circles but is also filtering down to its broader components, including former Hezbollah supporters. On social media, critical messages have been shared by Shiite displaced persons who were forced to leave their villages in southern Lebanon for the second time in two years, without yet having received compensation for the first displacement during Operation “Northern Arrows.” Particularly notable is a statement recently published by the Union of Tribes and Families in the Baalbek-Hermel region, an organization representing Shiites closely associated with Hezbollah, praising the government’s decision that Hezbollah’s security activity is illegal.
It’s still too early to assess the extent of the rift between the two Shiite movements and the implications of the criticism of Hezbollah from within the Shiite population. However, it’s conceivable that the erosion of Hezbollah’s standing could be reflected in the results of the parliamentary elections, which are scheduled to take place this year despite repeated attempts to postpone them. This rift could be expressed in the cessation of parliamentary cooperation, a shift of votes from Hezbollah to the Amal movement, or perhaps even the rise of new forces challenging the two traditional Shiite movements.