The end of the temporary truce and the return to the ground campaign raises the anxiety level of the residents of the Gaza Strip. The IDF's demands from the civilian population, distributed through leaflets and messages in the media, to move west and south toward Rafah and away from the border with Israel, joins the Gazans’ exposure during the truce to the extent of the devastation and destruction in the north of the Gaza Strip following the bombardment by the Israeli Air Force. Together, these heighten the fear of an Israeli attempt to create a similar reality in the area of Khan Yunis and the south, where the density has increased due to the absorption of residents of the northern part of the Strip who responded to the calls of the IDF spokesperson and moved south. The fear of another “nakba” due to an Israeli attempt to push them southward into Egypt and leave the vacated areas of the Gaza Strip under Israeli control is the déjà vu that Palestinians fear. The confusion caused by the interactive map that the IDF distributed to the residents through an application for their mobile devices adds another layer to this anxiety.
Hamas, which has shown little interest in the fate of the population since the war began, is very interested in extending the truce, but believes it will be able to exact a higher price from Israel for the hostages remaining in its hands. Khalil Hayya, one of the senior leaders of Hamas and apparently close to Sinwar, has clarified that Hamas is now ready, even after the combat resumed, for an updated lull in order to release the older men among the hostages. He added that Hamas and the other factions had only three hostages from the group of women and children, who constituted the framework established for the last deal, and that new rules would be required for any other group of hostages. On the other hand, Salah al-Arouri, the deputy of Ismail Haniyeh, emhasized that the deal on another exchange of prisoners has ended until a final ceasefire is announced, and that the deal carried out last week was for humanitarian reasons only.
It seems that there are no real differences of opinion. These two senior officials do not reflect any awareness of the changed attitude in Israel toward Hamas following the October 7 massacre carried out by the organization in the western Negev communities. They continue to estimate that as before, Israel will be willing to pay high prices for its people and that time is working in their favor. In their opinion, Israel's interest in the release of its people, the pressure of the hostages’ families, and the public's broad support for these families will ultimately be decisive in favor of a deal that will meet the new conditions set by Hamas.
In other words, the culture of “summud” (steadfastness), still guides Hamas. Its arrogance does not show at all that it has internalized or recognized the change in the attitude of the Israeli public toward it. Which makes it clear that Israel still has a lot of work to do.
The end of the temporary truce and the return to the ground campaign raises the anxiety level of the residents of the Gaza Strip. The IDF's demands from the civilian population, distributed through leaflets and messages in the media, to move west and south toward Rafah and away from the border with Israel, joins the Gazans’ exposure during the truce to the extent of the devastation and destruction in the north of the Gaza Strip following the bombardment by the Israeli Air Force. Together, these heighten the fear of an Israeli attempt to create a similar reality in the area of Khan Yunis and the south, where the density has increased due to the absorption of residents of the northern part of the Strip who responded to the calls of the IDF spokesperson and moved south. The fear of another “nakba” due to an Israeli attempt to push them southward into Egypt and leave the vacated areas of the Gaza Strip under Israeli control is the déjà vu that Palestinians fear. The confusion caused by the interactive map that the IDF distributed to the residents through an application for their mobile devices adds another layer to this anxiety.
Hamas, which has shown little interest in the fate of the population since the war began, is very interested in extending the truce, but believes it will be able to exact a higher price from Israel for the hostages remaining in its hands. Khalil Hayya, one of the senior leaders of Hamas and apparently close to Sinwar, has clarified that Hamas is now ready, even after the combat resumed, for an updated lull in order to release the older men among the hostages. He added that Hamas and the other factions had only three hostages from the group of women and children, who constituted the framework established for the last deal, and that new rules would be required for any other group of hostages. On the other hand, Salah al-Arouri, the deputy of Ismail Haniyeh, emhasized that the deal on another exchange of prisoners has ended until a final ceasefire is announced, and that the deal carried out last week was for humanitarian reasons only.
It seems that there are no real differences of opinion. These two senior officials do not reflect any awareness of the changed attitude in Israel toward Hamas following the October 7 massacre carried out by the organization in the western Negev communities. They continue to estimate that as before, Israel will be willing to pay high prices for its people and that time is working in their favor. In their opinion, Israel's interest in the release of its people, the pressure of the hostages’ families, and the public's broad support for these families will ultimately be decisive in favor of a deal that will meet the new conditions set by Hamas.
In other words, the culture of “summud” (steadfastness), still guides Hamas. Its arrogance does not show at all that it has internalized or recognized the change in the attitude of the Israeli public toward it. Which makes it clear that Israel still has a lot of work to do.