The new president of Syria, Ahmed al-Sharaa, met the goal he set—to establish a temporary, inclusive, and representative technocratic government by the month of March. The new government replaced the transitional government that managed Syria during the last three months, and most of its ministers belonged to the former rebel organization Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) in Idlib. The new government consists of 23 ministers, including nine identified as independents (technocrats), seven who previously held positions in the Idlib government, and five who served under President Bashar al-Assad before 2011. Al-Sharaa chose to keep the senior key positions in the hands of his longtime associates from HTS—the ministers of interior, defense, foreign affairs, and justice, while most of the remaining ministries were divided between independents and technocrats.
How has the Syrian street responded to the new government? It depends on whom you ask. Some of the public has expressed optimism and sees the government as an important step in the beginning of a new era. Other groups are more skeptical but are willing to give the government a chance, while demanding transparency, public oversight, and full governmental accountability. The strongest pessimism comes mainly from ethnic minorities. Al-Sharaa did attempt to create some sectarian representation: out of 23 ministers, 19 are Sunnis, the one (and only) female minister is Christian, one is Druze, one is Alawite, and one Kurdish minister serves as the minister of education. However, this did not prevent official representatives of the Kurdish and Druze communities from expressing criticism, claiming that the composition of the government does not take into account Syria’s existing ethnic diversity and that therefore “the policy of exclusion continues.” This criticism reflects significant gaps that remain between them and the government in Damascus.
Despite internal criticism, many countries were quick to congratulate the new government, including the United Kingdom, France, Germany, as well as regional countries such as Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Turkey, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates, which see this move as contributing to Syria’s stability.
Despite the stabilization measures taken by the new regime, it is still too early to determine where Syria is heading, amid this dramatic political transformation. The new government faces significant challenges, including a severe economic and energy crisis, a fragile security reality, and deep internal tensions. Its success or failure will largely depend on the assistance and support it receives from regional countries and the international community, and of course, on the nature of the policies it chooses to adopt in the coming months.
The new president of Syria, Ahmed al-Sharaa, met the goal he set—to establish a temporary, inclusive, and representative technocratic government by the month of March. The new government replaced the transitional government that managed Syria during the last three months, and most of its ministers belonged to the former rebel organization Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) in Idlib. The new government consists of 23 ministers, including nine identified as independents (technocrats), seven who previously held positions in the Idlib government, and five who served under President Bashar al-Assad before 2011. Al-Sharaa chose to keep the senior key positions in the hands of his longtime associates from HTS—the ministers of interior, defense, foreign affairs, and justice, while most of the remaining ministries were divided between independents and technocrats.
How has the Syrian street responded to the new government? It depends on whom you ask. Some of the public has expressed optimism and sees the government as an important step in the beginning of a new era. Other groups are more skeptical but are willing to give the government a chance, while demanding transparency, public oversight, and full governmental accountability. The strongest pessimism comes mainly from ethnic minorities. Al-Sharaa did attempt to create some sectarian representation: out of 23 ministers, 19 are Sunnis, the one (and only) female minister is Christian, one is Druze, one is Alawite, and one Kurdish minister serves as the minister of education. However, this did not prevent official representatives of the Kurdish and Druze communities from expressing criticism, claiming that the composition of the government does not take into account Syria’s existing ethnic diversity and that therefore “the policy of exclusion continues.” This criticism reflects significant gaps that remain between them and the government in Damascus.
Despite internal criticism, many countries were quick to congratulate the new government, including the United Kingdom, France, Germany, as well as regional countries such as Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Turkey, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates, which see this move as contributing to Syria’s stability.
Despite the stabilization measures taken by the new regime, it is still too early to determine where Syria is heading, amid this dramatic political transformation. The new government faces significant challenges, including a severe economic and energy crisis, a fragile security reality, and deep internal tensions. Its success or failure will largely depend on the assistance and support it receives from regional countries and the international community, and of course, on the nature of the policies it chooses to adopt in the coming months.