There are no winners in the “game of chicken” between the reservists’ protest and the Prime Minister. Both sides drive with a locked steering wheel toward each other, and the IDF loses.
The solution is not in clear instructions to commanders. Even if they really wanted to, this storm is penetrating IDF bases from the civil-political field, and it must be dealt with at the epicenter of its formation. As far as our enemies are concerned, as long as we continue on our current destructive path, they are exempt from initiative. The problem is not in rhetoric that weakens us in front of our enemies, but rather the crumbling cohesion, the reduced fitness, and the lack of motivation to volunteer that will incur a fatal blow if the law on military exemptions is passed.
The Prime Minister knows the truth about the loss of capabilities and disruption of operational concepts. It is not certain that he knows how many years it took to build these capabilities and how many years are required for restoration. Usually, it is not his job to go into these details. But when a sophisticated and expensive machine is destroyed, it is no wonder that the professionals cry out. How can one remain indifferent in the face of this destruction?
And now for the dilemma facing the Prime Minister and the Defense Minister: go all the way with the legislation, face a constitutional crisis, and thereby deepen the crisis, and justify it by saying that we have already passed the point of no return, or, stop everything and pay a huge political price. In the first case, the restoration will take years, if it occurs at all, and national security will be compromised. In the second case, the restoration will take days (to appease those who are hurt and restore political credit) and the cost to national security, if any, will be minor.
There are no winners in the “game of chicken” between the reservists’ protest and the Prime Minister. Both sides drive with a locked steering wheel toward each other, and the IDF loses.
The solution is not in clear instructions to commanders. Even if they really wanted to, this storm is penetrating IDF bases from the civil-political field, and it must be dealt with at the epicenter of its formation. As far as our enemies are concerned, as long as we continue on our current destructive path, they are exempt from initiative. The problem is not in rhetoric that weakens us in front of our enemies, but rather the crumbling cohesion, the reduced fitness, and the lack of motivation to volunteer that will incur a fatal blow if the law on military exemptions is passed.
The Prime Minister knows the truth about the loss of capabilities and disruption of operational concepts. It is not certain that he knows how many years it took to build these capabilities and how many years are required for restoration. Usually, it is not his job to go into these details. But when a sophisticated and expensive machine is destroyed, it is no wonder that the professionals cry out. How can one remain indifferent in the face of this destruction?
And now for the dilemma facing the Prime Minister and the Defense Minister: go all the way with the legislation, face a constitutional crisis, and thereby deepen the crisis, and justify it by saying that we have already passed the point of no return, or, stop everything and pay a huge political price. In the first case, the restoration will take years, if it occurs at all, and national security will be compromised. In the second case, the restoration will take days (to appease those who are hurt and restore political credit) and the cost to national security, if any, will be minor.