{"id":60442,"date":"2017-01-02T12:42:52","date_gmt":"2017-01-02T12:42:52","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.inss.org.il\/he\/?page_id=60442"},"modified":"2017-01-02T12:42:52","modified_gmt":"2017-01-02T12:42:52","slug":"inss-bicom-professional-workshop","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/www.inss.org.il\/he\/inss-bicom-professional-workshop\/","title":{"rendered":"INSS-BICOM Professional Workshop"},"content":{"rendered":"
Insights on BDS further to INSS-BICOM workshop<\/strong><\/div>\n
<\/div>\n
The following paper has been produced following expert workshops hosted by INSS and<\/div>\n
BICOM in Tel Aviv on June 11th, 2015. The workshops drew on experiences from the UK as a<\/div>\n
case study, but the aim was to draw out principles that are generalizable across Western<\/div>\n
\n
liberal states where the BDS phenomenon can be found.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
The phenomenon addressed<\/strong><\/div>\n
The BDS campaign against Israel is a global movement that was popularized in 2005<\/div>\n
following a Palestinian Civil Society Call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) against<\/div>\n
Israel. This call is a concerted attempt to impose a pariah status on Israel, ex-communicating<\/div>\n
and out-casting it from the international community. The movement, which comprises of<\/div>\n
over 170 Palestinian organizations, defines its campaign as nonviolent. It urges Israel to end<\/div>\n
the occupation of all Arab lands; recognize the rights of Arab citizens of Israel to full equality;<\/div>\n
and promote the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes as stipulated in UN<\/div>\n
\n
Resolution 194.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
In the UK, BDS activities include vocal demonstrations and protests in campuses, shops<\/div>\n
selling Israeli goods, etc. In addition, BDS activists, who are usually highly active political<\/div>\n
individuals, also use democratic structures of membership and representative bodies to pass<\/div>\n
boycott or divestment policy motions, e.g. in political parties, trade unions, co-ops student<\/div>\n
unions, NGOs and sometimes faith groups.<\/div>\n
Despite the ongoing BDS campaign, Israel's overall trade with Western states has not been<\/div>\n
impacted and boycott resolutions advanced by students groups have not been officially<\/div>\n
adopted by universities. It is difficult however to measure the extent to which there is quiet<\/div>\n
divestment \u2013 such as companies and investors that are thinking twice about doing business<\/div>\n
in Israel for fear of attracting public condemnation, or artists and conference organizers who<\/div>\n
are hesitant to host Israelis or perform in Israel.<\/div>\n
Moreover, BDS and the ensuing delegitimization of Israel pose a strategic threat to Israel in<\/div>\n
the long run because of their impact on the middle-ground. Through concerted and<\/div>\n
methodological campaigns Israel is equated with apartheid, genocide, ethnic cleansing and<\/div>\n
everything evil, which liberal, human-rights conscious individuals believe they should stand<\/div>\n
against. One of the most troubling elements of the phenomenon is that criticism over Israeli<\/div>\n
policies transforms into a questioning of Israel's very right to exist, unlike in the case of<\/div>\n
criticism directed at other states (such as China, Iran, Sudan etc.)<\/div>\n
The anti-Israel sentiments of public opinion might have only a limited impact on the official<\/div>\n
establishment for the time being, but this gap is not sustainable over time. In the South<\/div>\n
African case which the BDS struggle is modeled after, both President Reagan and PM<\/div>\n
\n
Thatcher imposed sanctions on South Africa against their own will.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
2) Factors which contribute to Israel's deteriorating international legitimacy<\/div>\n
The substantial framework<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 The conflict is not framed as a political conflict between two parties with conflicting<\/div>\n
claims, but as a conflict of justice and of basic human rights. The Palestinians are<\/div>\n
presented to have just demands for the fulfilment of their fundamental right of selfdetermination<\/div>\n
which Israel does not respect. With this framing international<\/div>\n
expectations are made only towards Israel.<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 Israel's legitimation is based on the partition of the land into an Israeli and a<\/div>\n
Palestinian state. If Israel does not acknowledge the threshold issue of the two<\/div>\n
states for two peoples then its own right to exist is undermined.<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 The right of the Jews in Israel is seen as conditional: the Jewish people are here as a<\/div>\n
compensation for their suffering but that right ceases to exist when the Jewish<\/div>\n
people inflict suffering upon another people.<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 Israel lacks credibility as for its commitment to reach a peaceful resolution of the<\/div>\n
conflict, through the implementation of the two-state solution.<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 There is a need to have a non-violent option of opposing the Israeli occupation and<\/div>\n
BDS actions serve this function.<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 Israel appears to flout its obligations under international law as exemplified by its<\/div>\n
disregard for UN resolutions (mainly of the UNHRC and UNGA); International Court<\/div>\n
of Justice opinions (the \"Separation Wall advisory opinion\"), and reports by official<\/div>\n
UN rapporteurs and NGOs. Israel's lack of cooperation with UN representatives and<\/div>\n
bodies commissioned to draft these reports also serves as substantiation for these<\/div>\n
\n
claims.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 Israel as a \u2018Jewish State\u2019 is severely misunderstood internationally and creates<\/div>\n
doubts regarding Israel's democratic values, especially with regard to the status of<\/div>\n
\n
the non-Jewish Israeli citizens.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 Antisemitism plays an implicit role in the anti-Israel campaign. In some cases<\/div>\n
Antisemitism is translated or manifested as anti-Zionism.<\/div>\n
\n
Media and social media impact<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 Israel faces disproportionate media coverage, both in quantitative terms (e.g. the<\/div>\n
number of journalists covering Israel, stories filed, length), and in qualitative terms,<\/div>\n
i.e. every Israeli problem, perceived or real, is magnified out of proportion. Much<\/div>\n
media coverage of Israel is prejudicial, as indicated by three prongs: singling out,<\/div>\n
implying double standards and almost always finding the target (i.e. Israel) guilty.<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 Images of conflict which pour out of Gaza are powerful in shaping the perception of<\/div>\n
a mighty Israel vs. a weak Palestine (images of Israel as David and Arabs as Goliath<\/div>\n
\n
have been swapped around).<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 Information Technology (IT) and social media play a central role in amplifying<\/div>\n
\n
problematic images and controversial Israeli policies.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
3) \uf0b7 Irresponsible rhetoric from Israeli position-holders, even if aimed at local audiences,<\/div>\n
\n
backfires globally and is used to vilify Israel.<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/strong><\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
Conveying the Israeli narrative<\/strong><\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/strong><\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 While the Palestinian narrative is clear and evocative (i.e. Palestinian dispossession,<\/div>\n
\u2018settlements\u2019 and \u2018occupation\u2019 have been injected into mainstream discourse), there<\/div>\n
is no clear and coherent Israeli narrative.<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 There has been an intellectual framing of Zionism as racism, apartheid, and<\/div>\n
ethnocracy, whereas counter arguments lack depth and succumb to presenting<\/div>\n
bullet points instead of serious arguments. This \u2018bullet pointing\u2019 and shortening<\/div>\n
should come in the context of a coherent intellectual framework<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 Only by being unimpeachable on commitment to two states and democracy can<\/div>\n
Israel buy leverage and political space to attack the other side as being nondemocratic<\/div>\n
\n
or opposed to a peaceful resolution of the conflict.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 Absence of negotiations with the Palestinians makes a counter response to BDS<\/div>\n
\n
much more difficult.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 Labelling anti-Israeli statements and actions as anti-Semitism weakens Israeli<\/div>\n
\n
arguments in many cases, particularly in the UK.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\uf0b7 It is necessary to distinguish between relevant and legitimate criticism \u2013 from which<\/div>\n
\n
no state is immune \u2013 and illegitimate criticism against Israel.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
Policy Recommendations \u2013 what needs to be done to counter the BDS phenomenon?<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
The broader policy framework<\/strong><\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
The credibility of the claim that the State of Israel is liberal, democratic, and committed to a<\/div>\n
negotiated two-state solution, is integral to the ability of Israel and its supporters to<\/div>\n
promote Israel\u2019s legitimacy as the nation state of the Jewish people and to marginalise the<\/div>\n
BDS activists, by exposing their ambivalence to a two-state solution and their weak<\/div>\n
democratic credentials. Actions which undermine this claim, whether by statements,<\/div>\n
legislation or actual actions on the ground are fuel for BDS activists, and undercut Israel\u2019s<\/div>\n
\n
supporters in liberal societies.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
Operational structure<\/strong><\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/strong><\/div>\n<\/div>\n
1. Israel should establish an official government counter-BDS centre under one<\/div>\n
ministry headed by a senior figure. This government structure will be responsible for<\/div>\n
ongoing monitoring and evaluating of the threat, and for fleshing out a long term<\/div>\n
strategy to deal with BDS on both strategic and tactical levels incorporating tools<\/div>\n
such as public diplomacy. Such a government centre will also be a place of guidance<\/div>\n
for ministers and other position holders on how to respond to BDS development,<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n
playing a role in sensitizing politicians to messages they communicate both to local<\/div>\n
\n
and international audiences.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
2. Government research and consultation should be conducted to engage the network<\/div>\n
of pro-Israel activists and groups around the world regarding how the Government<\/div>\n
of Israel can best utilize their capabilities and support on the one hand, and assist<\/div>\n
\n
their activities on the other.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
3. A civil society non-government centre monitoring relevant developments in BDS and<\/div>\n
tracking counter efforts should be established. This centre will disseminate best<\/div>\n
practices and other relevant information regarding BDS-related developments to<\/div>\n
organizations working on countering BDS worldwide, with a view to promote<\/div>\n
\n
efficiency and avoid double-spending.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
4. BDS is a civil society initiative and it should thus be countered on the ground by<\/div>\n
Israeli and global civil society efforts. The first circle of defence against BDS is the<\/div>\n
Jewish (and other pro-Israeli) communities across the globe. Such communities<\/div>\n
should be proactively engaged by Israel. Particular efforts need to be channelled to<\/div>\n
cultivating the younger generation which feels a growing apathy towards Israel and<\/div>\n
is less willing to be at the forefront of BDS counter-efforts. Simultaneously<\/div>\n
supportive non-Jewish groups abroad should be encouraged, based on the rationale<\/div>\n
that claims in support of Israel made by this constituency resonate most.<\/div>\n
5. Critics of Israeli policy, who are supportive of the right of Israel to exist, should be<\/div>\n
harnessed to join the fight against the delegitimizers of Israel who oppose the right<\/div>\n
of Israel to exist. This should be done by conducting a dialogue between such critics<\/div>\n
and Israeli policy makers, as well as NGOs supporting Israel, in which different<\/div>\n
\n
opinions can be expressed.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
6. Establishing projects of public diplomacy and \u2018soft power\u2019 should be considered. For<\/div>\n
example, creating an Israeli equivalent based on the model of the British Council.<\/div>\n
(The British Council is a UK publicly funded charity with offices in 100 countries<\/div>\n
\n
which promotes British culture, arts and academic and scientific exchange.)<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/strong><\/div>\n<\/div>\n
\n
Countering hard-core BDS efforts<\/strong><\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/strong><\/div>\n<\/div>\n
7. The establishment of a neutral, non-Jewish body should be promoted on campuses<\/div>\n
with the aim of hampering BDS aggressive campaigns by monitoring student conduct<\/div>\n
and debates; ensuring academic freedom; eliminating a threatening environment for<\/div>\n
all students; promoting freedom of speech and a dignified, civil discourse as well as<\/div>\n
\n
a constructive student-culture on campuses.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n
8. Efforts should be made to identify BDS plans to conduct activities in trade unions<\/div>\n
and other organizations, as well as BDS action-plans on campuses. Based on the<\/div>\n
knowledge of such intentions, there should be a counter plan to insert pro-Israel<\/div>\n
(not necessarily Jewish) activists and activities that will focus on preventing anti-<\/div>\n
Israel resolutions (based on substantial arguments regarding prejudice or<\/div>\n
\n
discrimination for example).<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
9. Counter-BDS activities should be based on the determination of the best approach<\/div>\n
to the given case, made in conjunction with the local counter-BDS activists, and not<\/div>\n
\n
on the basis of a general one-size-fits-all strategy.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
10. The funding of BDS should be investigated (particularly by the Israeli establishment)<\/div>\n
in order to expose connections to hostile forces or official foreign government<\/div>\n
funding, with the end goal of reducing BDS financial resources.<\/div>\n
\n
Addressing the moderate minds<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
11. Israel needs to unmask what BDS proponents really think, emphasizing that they are<\/div>\n
not democrats, and do not endorse the two-state solution, thereby splitting the<\/div>\n
\n
radical left BDS supporters from the moderate ones.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
12. It is useful to emphasize that supporting BDS runs counter to the aim of reaching a<\/div>\n
peaceful resolution of the conflict, since it weakens the moderates and strengthens<\/div>\n
\n
the extremists on both sides.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
13. Israel needs academic counter-research to address international developments in<\/div>\n
terms of understanding the Israeli narrative and especially the complexity of the<\/div>\n
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Such an intellectual infrastructure should counter the<\/div>\n
anti-Zionist intellectual work which the de-legitimization campaign bases itself upon.<\/div>\n
As such, the intellectual counter-BDS effort should be easily accessible to the public<\/div>\n
at-large. An example of this would be a project for the study of contemporary<\/div>\n
antizionism, webcasts, conferences, a book series and academic courses. Such an<\/div>\n
academic infrastructure will contribute towards constructing an intellectual firewall<\/div>\n
between legitimate criticism of Israel and de-legitimization; and to building a<\/div>\n
political firewall between fringe and mainstream through normalising criticism of<\/div>\n
\n
Israel.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
14. Prejudice towards Israel needs to be exposed and there should be a clear demand to<\/div>\n
deal with it as with any other case of discrimination or prejudice (without focusing<\/div>\n
\n
on the controversial and antagonistic \u2018antisemitism\u2019 argument).<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
15. Israel government communications must be framed and conveyed, in terms of style,<\/div>\n
messaging, language, emphasis, etc., taking into account the target audience. When<\/div>\n
targeting moderate minds in the centre ground it is important to convey, in both<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n
tone and substance, the meta-message that Israel is a mature and responsible<\/div>\n
liberal democracy. Aggressive militaristic messages or insinuations that Jews or<\/div>\n
\n
Israelis are better than others are damaging.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
16. Israel needs to frame its positions in a way that explains the compatibility of its<\/div>\n
position with international law and human rights, making the case that both Arabs<\/div>\n
\n
and Jews have a right to the land and the question is how to share it.<\/div>\n
<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
17. Individual relationships are crucial for shaping perceptions about Israel. The most<\/div>\n
effective counter efforts have proven to be one-on-one exchange programs which<\/div>\n
bring foreign academics, journalists, students, politicians, and so forth to Israel. In<\/div>\n
addition sending supporters of Israel to participate in conferences abroad, making<\/div>\n
the case for Israel across international platforms, is useful too.<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Insights on BDS further to INSS-BICOM workshop The following paper has been produced following expert workshops hosted by INSS and BICOM in Tel Aviv on June 11th, 2015. The workshops drew on experiences from the UK as a case study, but the aim was to draw out principles that are generalizable across Western liberal states … Continued<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-60442","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nINSS-BICOM Professional Workshop - \u05d4\u05de\u05db\u05d5\u05df \u05dc\u05de\u05d7\u05e7\u05e8\u05d9 \u05d1\u05d9\u05d8\u05d7\u05d5\u05df \u05dc\u05d0\u05d5\u05de\u05d9<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.inss.org.il\/he\/inss-bicom-professional-workshop\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"he_IL\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"INSS-BICOM Professional Workshop - \u05d4\u05de\u05db\u05d5\u05df \u05dc\u05de\u05d7\u05e7\u05e8\u05d9 \u05d1\u05d9\u05d8\u05d7\u05d5\u05df \u05dc\u05d0\u05d5\u05de\u05d9\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Insights on BDS further to INSS-BICOM workshop The following paper has been produced following expert workshops hosted by INSS and BICOM in Tel Aviv on June 11th, 2015. 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